Kings of disaster: dualism, centralism and the scapegoat king in Southeastern Sudan
| Auteur principal: | |
|---|---|
| Type de support: | Imprimé Livre |
| Langue: | Anglais |
| Service de livraison Subito: | Commander maintenant. |
| Vérifier la disponibilité: | HBZ Gateway |
| Fernleihe: | Fernleihe für die Fachinformationsdienste |
| Publié: |
Leiden New York København Köln
Brill
1992
|
| Dans: |
Studies in human society (5)
Année: 1992 |
| Recensions: | , in: COV&R 6 (1994) 9f (Williams, J.G.) |
| Collection/Revue: | Studies in human society
5 |
| Sujets / Chaînes de mots-clés standardisés: | B
Sudan (Südost)
/ Roi
|
| RelBib Classification: | NBE Anthropologie ZB Sociologie ZC Politique en général |
| Sujets non-standardisés: | B
Political anthropology (Sudan)
B Centralisme B Sudan Kings and rulers Case studies B Scapegoat Case studies B Sudan B Political anthropology Sudan B Dualisme B Roi B Recueil d’études de cas B Herrschertum B Girard, René (1923-2015) B Scapegoat Case studies B Politique B Afrique B Bouc émissaire B Sudan Kings and rulers Case studies |
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| LOK | |0 938 |l Review: Simon Simonse is the first field archeologist of whom I know to draw upon Girard's mimetic theory, especially for the light it sheds on consensual scapegoating. Simonse shows that one explanatory model can accommodate both political and sacral aspects of kingship, for the two are actually inseparable in the cases studied. He likewise demonstrates that the conventional distinction between state and stateless societies does not hold up, and that the only difference between centralized and segmentary political systems lies in the relative emphasis placed on the role of the king as contrasted to that of enemy victims. His conclusions are reached on the basis of a five year study of five communities on the east bank of the Nile River. Of particular interest for me was Simonse's graphic description of simulated and actual regicide. He identifies the simulation of regicide as a ritual drama (pp. 354-59). Ordinarily some sort of free that is vut and burnt or leaves that are pounded serve as a substitute for the monarch (cf. Exodus 15:24). In the ensuing discussion he documents 24 cases of actual regicide ocurring between 1850 and 1984 (pp. 359-73). He holds that the actual instances of killing the monarch are neither ritual nor political assassination. Regicide is, rather, a deliberate act, "the tragic dénouement of a protracted confrontation [of the community] with its king" (p. 372). This observation is related to one of Simonse's criticisms of Girard, namely that the scapegoating mechanism does not always work to suppress or mystify violence. Concerning Simonse's denial that regicide is a ritual act, the full scope of his analysis certainly indicates that it is closely related to ritual in that it is an organized activity generated by the deep structure of the cultural tradition. The main object of the scapegoat mechanism is the person of the monarch; if the rains do not come, it is he or she who must bear the blame. The instance Simonse reports in detail, the lynching of the queen of the Pari, has many features of ritual procedure. She was surrounded by the male warriors of the ruling generation, beaten and passed through a fire, and, most significantly, her abdomen was cut open and a melon crushed and mixed with her stomach contents and blood. The mixture was placed back in her stomach, her mouth was pierced with thorns, and her body was left in the bush. Before reentering their village the lynchers "slaughtered a goat and took out its stomach contents. These were smeared onto their bodies together with a mixture of ant-hill soil, water, and wild cucumber" (p. 370). Simonse's research leads him to three critical modifications of Girard's theory: (1) There is more of a reciprocal tension between king and subjects than described by Girard; the king is a victimizer and political entrepreneur as well as a victim in specific circumstances (above all, lack of rain). (2) If the death of the king is violent, it is feared that the hoped for transformation, the releasing of the rains, may not occur. (3) Closely related to the second criticism, the scapegoating as such is not ignored or mystified, for the violence of regicide does not allow the community to "reap the fruits of kingship in good conscience" (p. 423). I think a multitude of areas of research are now opening up in which the mimetic theory may be modified, expanded, refined. The work of a social scientist like Simonse who combines so ably a grasp of the mimetic theory and extensive empirical research should command our respect. I would note briefly that all three of Simonse's critical rejoinders to Girard do not seem, to me at least, like real challenges to the model. The first point about the actual power of the monarch, even in his/her victim status, is covered in principle in Girard's Things Hidden, pp.51-57. As for points two and three, which I think finally amount to one criticism, it is quite common for traditional, nonwriting peoples to be concerned about violence and to rid themselves of its pollution once they have been contaminated. For Simonse to make his case he must deal more definitely with the following questions. Is it the case that these Nilotic peoples believe it is bad to kill the monarch because it is wrong to murder someone - or do they believe it is too bad because violence is involved? And do they know they are converging upon a victim whose status is central to the logic of the system, which itself began arbitrarily through violence - or do they think that there is something sacrally grounded and ultimately meaningful in this act? And finally, are they aware of transferring their own mimetic conflicts onto the leader/rainmaker - or do they understand the looming drought and all their other troubles as stemming from the one they kill? Simonse's point would hold if he could say yes to the first alternative in each question. [Author: Williams, James G. In: COV&R: Bulletin of the Colloquium on Violence and Religion no. 6 (March 1994): 9f.] |8 0 | ||
| LOK | |0 938 |l Contents: List of case histories (XIII) / Introduction (1) The aim of this study/The plan of the book/A note on terminology: Kings, chiefs, Masters, and Rainmakers/Technical notes/Acknowledgements / Part One: The Problem and the Setting / 1. The sacred, consensus and power (15) The scapegoat mechanism according to René Girard/The victimary scenario of conflict resolution/Consensus and the sacred: Girard, Durkheim and structuralism/Power and the sacred: Girard and Weber/The enemy scenario/Dualism as a victimary form of social organization/Centralism /The Neo-frazerians/The scenario of conflict avoidance/The King as sovereign and as a Big Man/Conclusion: scenario, cultural form and historical events / 2. Ethnological connections between the Nile and the Kidepo (41) The geographical setting/Delimitation of the 'ethnological field of Study' / The Eastern Nilotic connection/The Madi connection/The Lwo connection/The iron connection/Melting-pot/Conclusion / 3. Modes of subsistence and social organization (62) Sorghum, 'provider of life'/Work-parties and the Big Man/Cattle and the fly/Hunting and egalitarianism/The village: size, layout and defence works/The monyomiji/Selections/Interclan relations/Conclusion / 4. The passing of the glamour: the Bari (80) The Beautiful, the brave, and the earthly/Bari: The collapse of the hegemony of the Bilinyan Bekat/The cargo chiefs (1859-1885)/The steamer cult/The era of the warlords (1885-1898)/The government chiefs/Conclusion / 5. The twin kingdoms: the Lotuho (110) The traders (1860-1875)/The 'Nacar' (1888-1897)/The Uganda Protectorate (1898-1914)/The Condominium (1914-1954): Tirangore/The Condominium: Loronyo/Conclusion / 6. The bugbear of the administration: the Pari, Lokoya and Lulubo (122) The first interactions between the Pari and the Sudan government/First government interactions with the Lulubo and Lokoya/The patrols (1910-1920)/Rainmakers and government chiefs/Conclusion / Part Two: Dualism / 7. Territorial dualism (143) Violence and social distance/Hero and victim in warfare/The dualist structure of sectional organization/The tightrope of non-violent competition/The westward military pressure between the Nile and the Kidepo/Conclusion / 8. The dualist structure of the age-class organization (165) The owners of the village/Generational succession/Generational antagonism /The seclusion of the new generation/The mock-conquest of the village/The bull of generational reconciliation /Conclusion / Part Three: Centralism, or the King as Aggressor Against the People / 9. The king as enemy of his people (191) The antagonism between King and people/ Alliances of Kings against their people/The rain-drama of Lowe (June 1981)/Kings as lonely heroes/The rhetoric of the harangue/Mediators betweenKing and people/The marriage between King and people/Conclusion / 10. The king as unifier of the people (214) The King as supreme commander in war/The King as bridge across social cleavages/The King's palace as a sanctuary/The King as arbitrator/Sanctions/The use of physical force as a sanction/The King as bridge of generational cleavages/Conclusion / 11. Tipping the balance of power to the kind (232) The King's men/The creation of armies/The conclusion of alliances/The king and the social division of labour/Tribute/Trade/The peripatetic character of kingship/Conclusion / 12. Boundaries in the sky: the territorial deimension of kingship (264) / Compartmentalization of powers: Lokiliri/Disaster and power/The control of temporal order and disorder: Liria Concentration of powers: the Bari/Concentration of powers: the Lotuho/The social distribution of divinity/Conclusions / 14. Rain queens and rainstones as symbols of the Centre (281) The Lotuho Queen as the ultimate prize of dynastic rivals/Lomoro's assassination/The value of rainstones/The rainstones as a focus of rivalry and an archive of history /The sexual symbolism of rainstones/Conclusion / 15. The spear and the bead: the divisiveness of kingship (302) The myth of the spear and the beat/The spiral of violence in Bilinyan/The rivalry between the Lotuho kingdoms /Conclusions / Part Four: The Scapegoat King, or the People as Aggressor Against the King / 16. The king as victim in suspense (319) The anger of the King and the sins of the people/The emergency meeting of the monyomiji/Drought, a Rainmaker's weapon/Turning the cards on the Rainmaker/ Violence and the Rainmaker/The buffer of ritual/The apocalyptic time-frame of rain ritual/Conclusions / 17. The king as victim (345) The designation of the droughtmaker/The allocation and handling of stigma/The use of torture/The simulation of regicide/Deliberate regicide/The killing of the Queen of the Pari/Conclusions / 18. Catching life in the spell of death (374) The installation of the King/The royal funeral/Elimination of the King's evil/Collecting the blessings from the dying King/The reign of the dead Kind/ The live burial of the King's assistants/The exhumation of the King's body/The relics of the dead King/Conclusions / 19. The metabolism of violence and order (398) The preparations for the New Year's Deliberations/The New Year's Hunt and the 'reconquest' of the village/The New Year's Dance/The containment of violence during the New Year's Festival/The 'cooling' of the village shrine/The Rain-creeper/A cosmology of violence and peace/The bitter stomach of the King/Conclusions / Conclusions (421) The scapegoat mechanism and Nilotic kingship/Dualism and centralism as alternative forms of political organization /The King, the sacred and power/The state as irreversible centralism / Bibliography (431) / Linguistic Chart (459) / Index (461). |8 0 | ||
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